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Sunday, 9 June 2024

OF LEGISLATION: WHO CAN MAKE LAWS?

Disclaimer: This article was published in the Third Legislative Journal of National Assembly of Bhutan. The Journal was launched officially on 5th Feb 2017 coinciding with the Birth Anniversary of Royal Prince (Gyalsey). 

1.      INTRODUCTION
Democracy is established based on Rule of Law. Rule of Law establishes the just and fair society. Law brings peace-coexistence among all humans in a civilized society. Without law, man would be worse than animals. In nutshell, every system of governance functions on the basis of law. Without law, world would be in chaos, uncivilized and one giant disorganized society. Law-making is process of shaping the nation, build nation, instil the values of democracy and uphold the rule of law. Parliament is the exclusive organ of the government responsible for enacting laws in the country. This article purposes to briefly explain what is Law? What is Rule of Law? And who can make laws?


2.      OF LAW
According to Austin[1], “Law is the aggregate of rules set by men as politically superior, or sovereign, to men as politically subject” or “body of principles recognized and applied by the State in the administration of justice[2]”. Thus, law is a set of rules recognized by the court for the administration of justice and made by the sovereign or the legislature. However, unlike Indian Constitution[3], Bhutan’s constitution does not define what is law or  what constitute law. Therefore, exact definition of law remains to be defined and force or level of enforceability of executive orders, notifications or circulars remains vague and undefined.

3.      RULE OF LAW
Rule of Law may be defined as “‘the absolute supremacy or predominance of regular law as opposed to the influence of arbitrary power, and excludes the existence of arbitrariness, of prerogative, or even of wide discretionary authority on the part of the government” (Dicey, 2010). The Rule of Law requires that ‘legal rules be publicly known, consistently enforced, and even-handedly applied (O'Connor, 2003). The separation of powers is ‘essential in maintaining the Rule of Law in large part because it ensures decisions are made non-arbitrarily (O'Connor, 2003).

4.      OF DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWER
Rule of law sets structure of the democratic form of Government. Rule of Law establishes the Bhutanese democratic system. It follows the system of three arms of government under the Constitution. The Article 1(13) of Constitution of Kingdom of Bhutan provides the separation of power.
There shall be separation of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary and no encroachment of each other’s powers is permissible except to the extent provided for by this Constitution”
 Therefore, Bhutan’s constitution explicitly separates the three arms of the government. Separation of power is a pillars of rule of law.  Separation of power means, the judiciary, executive and legislature should function independent of each other and no power should concentrate in one branch of the government[4]. It is based on the principle of “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.  The Indian Supreme Court in case of Golaknath v. State of Punjab[5] (1967) stated that It creates three major instruments of power, namely, the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. It demarcates their jurisdiction minutely and expects them to exercise their respective powers without overstepping their limits. They should function within the spheres allotted to them (Yashmita, 2015).”
This principle has now been modified to suit the change and revolution of the world where states exists as welfare including Bhutan. For example, today, the law though made by legislature, it can be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court or High Court while the appointment of these judges and impeachment can be done by the Parliament and Ministers of the Executive are parliamentarians. Similarly, the Parliament exercising the oversight functions while Executive issues numerous laws in the form of rules, regulations, circulars, notifications, and judiciary through power of judicial review and principles of interpretation of statutes do make laws in absence of such re-dressal by the parliament.  
In case of Opposition v. Government (), the Supreme Court of Bhutan held that “… the Constitution has different centers of power under vertical, horizontal and intra checks and balance ensured through separation of power. ……
“Therefore, based on the principle of separation of powers enshrined under the Constitution, once the Court has taken cognizance of any matter, Parliament must comply with rules of procedure pertaining to abstaining from discussing matters that are sub-judice to respect the separation of power” (Dubgyur, 2015).

5.      OF LAW-MAKING BY PARLIAMENT
As the name suggest, parliament or legislature body is the primary organ of the government in enacting laws. The parliament is often considered to possess the absolute power to make laws.

a.       Doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty
According to the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, the legislative body is the supreme or sovereign to all other government institutions including any executive or judicial bodies (Essays, 2013) which can create or end any law. Generally, the courts cannot overrule its legislation and no Parliament can pass laws that future Parliaments cannot change.  (Parliament, 2016).

This view no longer holds true for Bhutan. In Bhutan, the state derives its existence from the constitution and not otherwise.  Hence, it belongs to the nation which is subordinate to and controlled by the constitution (A.V.Dicey, 1998).  The Parliament of Bhutan has supremacy to the extent provided by the Constitution and specifically as provided under Article 10 of the Constitution. The Article 10(1) and (2) of the Constitution provides the extend of the authority of the parliament.
Article 10(1) “There shall be a Parliament for Bhutan in which all legislative powers under this Constitution are vested and which shall consist of the Druk Gyalpo, the National Council and the National Assembly”.
Article 10(2) Parliaments shall ensure that the Government safeguards the interests of the nation and fulfils the aspirations of the people through public review of policies and issues, Bills and other legislations, and scrutiny of State functions.

Therefore, from the above provisions, one can conclude that, the Parliament in Bhutan is not supreme to other institutions but is controlled by the Constitution including its powers, functions and establishment. Bhutan’s parliament follows the parliament of India, Australia or Canada as opposed to British Parliament since the Parliament is does not enjoy the supremacy under our Constitution.
However, in conclusion, the Parliament in Bhutan is also vested with the exclusive authority in making laws on any subject in the country within the Constitutional Framework under the Article 10(1) of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan.

6.      OF LAW-MAKING BY THE JUDICIARY
Judiciary can make laws through the exercise of the powers of judicial review. Judicial Review is the power exerted by the court of a country to examine the actions of the legislatures, executive and administrative arms of the government and to ensure that such actions conform to the provisions of the nation’s constitution. It is an instrument to legitimize the government’s action and to protect the constitution against any undue encroachment by the government (Mohita, 2016).
The concept of judicial review prominently came into existence in the case of Marbury v. Madison[6] (1803) by Justice Marshal where U.S Congressional Acts was tested its validity against the U.S Constitution. Justice Marshal in this case, followed the Hamilton’s Federalist Papers which state that it was an inevitable and logical implication of the judicial duty to apply and interpret the law. He further said that “Constitutional limitations upon the power of the legislature are meaningless unless such limitation upon the power of legislature are recognized as rendering void any legislative act repugnant to the. It is the province and duty of the courts to say what is law” (Kadish, 1959).  Similarly, in case of Fletcher v. Peck[7] (1810), the state law was tested against the U.S Constitution.
Exercise of doctrine of colourable legislation is one of the best methods used by courts to control the shifting of power by legislature in other arms of the government and make new laws. This principle is based on the legal maxim Quando aliquid prohibitur ex directo, prohibitur et per obliquum which means when anything is prohibited directly, it is also prohibited indirectly.  This is often called the fraud on the constitution. Similarly, courts uses various other principles including doctrine of ultra vires, severability, implied power etc in making their own law through the judgments or directives or declaration or writs.

 The Constitution of Kingdom of Bhutan like Indian Constitution does not provide expressed provisions on judicial review. However, the judiciary of Bhutan is provided with power of judicial review under the Article 1(10) & 1(11), Article 7 and Article 21(10) & (21(18) of the Constitution conferring the power to make laws by the judges.  
Article 21(10) explicitly or by way of entrenched provision provide for judicial review power. The Supreme Court has the prerogative of the court (Dubgyur, 2015):
a.      Article 1(10 of the Constitution empowers the court to declare any laws whether enacted before or after the enactment of the constitution including provisions of the international instruments to be null and void if it is inconsistent with the provisions of the constitution.
b.      Article 1(11) of the constitution declares and vest the exclusive power of interpretation and guardian of Constitution to the Supreme Court of Bhutan. This provisions empowers the Supreme Court validate any laws against the provisions of the constitution through the judicial review whereby Supreme Court may come up with new laws or amend the laws enacted by parliament by applying the various principles of interpretation of the statute.
c.       Article 7(22) obligates the Supreme Court and High Courts to protect the fundamental rights of the individuals. Thus, both Supreme Court and High Court are conferred with exclusive rights and empowers them to test the validity of any laws enacted by the parliament or administrative laws against the fundamental rights guaranteed under the Article 7 of the Constitution. This is also a law making procedure where Supreme Courts will define what is law and make laws through various legal principles.
d.     Article 21(10) of the Constitution provide a wide area to the Supreme Court and High Court to issue declarations, orders, directives or writs based on each circumstances of the each case. This Article is considered the most explicit  provision on the judicial review.
“Where a question of law or fact is of such a nature and of such public importance that it is expedient to obtain the opinion of the Supreme Court, the Druk Gyalpo may refer the question to the Supreme Court for its consideration, which shall bear the reference and submit its opinion to Him”
The Article 21 Section 10 in invoked in most recent case where issuance of Writ of Mandamus by the Supreme Court on Election Laws. The Supreme Court not only declared Section … of Election Act and LG as null and void but also came with new definition of what constitutes the Thromde Tshogde thereby making a new law.
Similarly, in the case of Opposition v. Government, the Supreme Court held that tax is tax  where Article 14 Section 1 of the Constitution , “taxes, fees and other forms of levies leaves no room for doubt  and does not require further interpretation. It must be de legelata and not de legeferenda and therefore, under Section 172 (fees and charges) of the Public Finance Act 2007, all other fees and levies generally charged to the public can be imposed or altered only by Parliament.   


Therefore, in short, judiciary is vested with judicial review to make laws. Judicial review is one of the basic features of the constitution and cannot be administrative judicial or quasi-judicial authority which has trappings of the court (Gandhi, 2012).

7.      OF LAW-MAKING BY THE EXECUTIVE
The general principle in making laws is that parliament (legislative body) is only the organ of the government exclusively vested with power to make laws. Thus, under the principle of Delegatus non potest delegare ( a delegate cannot further delegate). By this principle, since the Constitution has delegated the power to parliament, the parliament cannot further delegate this power of legislation to other bodies.
However, it is practically impossible for the parliament to  make laws for all matter since the functions of the government has increased enormously and also the matters have become complex. Further, parliament is not equipped with all technical aspects and does not have adequate time to enact all laws. Therefore, parliament first enacts the Act often called the parent act and delegate limited power to the executive to make sub-legislations most widely known in Bhutan as rules and regulations or sub-ordinate laws. Other such laws include executive orders, circulars, notifications most often issued by the cabinet and other executive bodies.
In Bhutan, the Article 20(2) of the Constitution vest the Executive Power to Lhengye Zhungtshog (Council of Ministers/Cabinet). The main function and power given to executive by the Constitution is look after the welfare of the people, plan, coordinate, implement policies for the development in the country. However, Article 20(8) exclusively vest the Bhutan’s Executive Body to “issue orders, circulars, rules or notification except in cases where such by-laws have effect of modifying, varying or superseding any provisions of a law made by the parliament or law in force[8]” .
The law making power of the executive is limited only within the delegated power by the parliament or the constitutional limits and does not extend like legislature or judicial review.
Few examples of law made as delegated legislation by the executive are Election Rules and Regulations, Civil Service Rules, Labour Rules, Envir ``         onmental Rules.  

Therefore, “an executive body can make sub-ordinate legislation only if such power is conferred on it by a competent legislature, not otherwise. Again sub-ordinate law making body is bound by the terms of its delegated or derivative authority” (Takwani, 2012)

8.      CONCLUSION
Therefore, law-making is not only the exclusive domain of parliament as provided by the doctrine of separation of power instead with the modern development and reform in the democracy, all three organs of the government have powers though varyingly, to make laws. “The end of law is not to abolish or restrain, but to preserve and enlarge freedom. For in all the states of created beings capable of law, where there is no law, there is no freedom[9]”.
 

Works Cited

A.V.Dicey. (1998). An Introduction to the Study of Law of Constitution. Delhi: Universal Law Publishing Co. PVT. LTD.
Dicey, A. V. (2010). Introduction to the Study of Law of Constitution. Gazelle Book Services Publication.
Dubgyur, L. (2015). The Wheel of Laws. Thimphu.
Essays, U. (2013, November ). Parliament Supremacy . Retrieved October 28, 2016, from Law Teacher: http://www.lawteacher.net/free-law-essays/constitutional-law/parliament-supremacy.php?cref=1
Gandhi, B. (2012). Interpretation of Statutes (2nd ed.). Delhi: Eastern Book Company.
Kadish, S. H. (1959). Judicial Review in the High Court and US Supreme Court. Berkley: Berkley Law Scholarship Repository.
Mohita, N. (2016). Your Article Library . Retrieved October 30, 2016, from Your Article Library : www.yourarticlelibrary.com/essay/judicial-review-in-india-concept-provisions-amendments-and-other-details/24911/
O'Connor, S. D. (2003). The Role of the Judiciary. Vidicating the Rule of Law.
Parliament, U. (2016, October ). Parliamentary Sovereignty . Retrieved October 28, 2016, from Parliament of UK: https://www.parliament.uk/about/how/role/sovereignty/
Takwani, C. (2012). Lectures on Administrative Law (5th ed.). Delhi, India: Eastern Book Company.
Yashmita. (2015, April 30). Separation of Powers: A Comparative Analysis of the Doctrine India, United States of America and England. Retrieved October 29, 2016, from Academeke: http://www.lawctopus.com/academike/separation-of-powers-a-comparative-analysis-of-the-doctrine-india-united-states-of-america-and-england/ 





[1] John Austin (1790-1859) was a noted British legal philosopher who introduced concept of legal positivism. This brought the meaning of what is law. This theory provided the necessary conditions for the existence of law that distinguishes law from other definitions.
[2] Salmond, Sir John William Salmond (1862-1924) was a legal scholar from New Zealand. His Jurisprudence or Theory of the Law is one of the most referred and cited  in the jurisprudence subject by legal scholars and law students across the world.
[3] Article 13(3) of Indian Constitution defines law as “law includes any Ordinance, order, bye law, rule, regulation, notification, custom or usages having in the territory of India the force of law; laws in force includes laws passed or made by Legislature or other competent authority in the territory of India before the commencement of this Constitution and not previously repealed, notwithstanding that any such law or any part thereof may not be then in operation either at all or in particular areas”
[4] The doctrine of separation of power often referred to be introduced by a  French Jurist Montesquieu in his Spirit of laws, and he said that this is to prevent from tyranny and preserve liberty. This view was further adopted in US by Justice Madison.
[5] [AIR 1967 SC 1643]
[6] (1803) I Cranch 137; 2 L.Ed. 60
[7]  (1810) 6 Cranch 87; 3 L. Ed. 162
[8] Article 20 Section 8 of the Constitution Kingdom of Bhutan 2008
[9] John Locke (1632-1704) was  an English Philosopher and physician and often described as father of liberalism. 

Saturday, 20 June 2020

Data protection Media Law Class

Data protection Media Law Class

Sunday, 26 April 2020

Media should not be considered government’s mouthpiece

This article appeared in Kuensel on 25 April, 2020 in my legal op-ed series 

This week, Kuensel editorial titled “Misunderstanding the media” stated that “spokesperson still remains a joke, young journalist are dictated what to write, time media receives is when the newsmakers benefit, lengthy bureaucratic procedure and media have to wait if the Dasho is on tour.”

How can we get back our fundamental rights from Covid -19?

This article appeared on  18 April 2020 in Kuensel in my legal op-ed series 




Covid-19 is bringing a new normal. This pandemic stalled the global economy, paralysed international business, made markets volatile and took away thousands of human lives. Legally, this pandemic has suspended all basic or fundamental rights. Even the most powerful and liberal democracies like India, the United States or European countries are unable to ensure these rights due to this disease. For example, India is still under lockdown and Italy and Spain

Monday, 13 April 2020

The e-commerce regulation in Bhutan – ambiguous and unenforceable


E-commerce has “emerged as an important tool to facilitate the conduct of business for consumers and businesses alike” across the globe with an estimated “transaction of $3.535 trillion by 2019” and Bhutan is no exception. E-commerce is generally conducted by “Click-Wrap” or “Click-Through” or “Web-Wrap”. These are “electronic contracts that require the user to scroll through terms and conditions and to expressly confirm the user’s agreement to the terms and conditions by taking some action” such as “I Accept” or “I Agree.”

Consumer right without a right to fair price is no right

This article appeared on 4 April 2020 in Kuensel 

Pricing is one of the building blocks in any market. Price may be defined as the “monetary value of a good or service.” Every business, whether formal or informal, invests with an expectation of some profit. The profit is directionally proportional to the price of the goods. However, sometimes, the sellers hike the price unreasonably because certain circumstances favour them.

Right to privacy law necessary not luxurious

The right to privacy is a fundamental right under Article 7(19) of our Constitution, which states: “A person shall not be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence nor to unlawful attacks on the person’s honour and reputation”.  Article 7(9) gives the right to privacy not only
to the person himself or herself but also to the family from arbitrary or unlawful interference. The protection of privacy has become ever more important. With the ever-increasing number of Bhutanese on social media and as the so-called investigative journalism becomes bolder, the vulnerabilities of leakage of personal information to the public is high. In name of investigative journalism or breaking news or to seek popularity on social media by some netizens or to fulfil vested interests, many innocent citizens may become a victim.
Alan Westin defined privacy as “the claim of individuals, groups, or institutions to determine for themselves when, how, and to what extent information about them is communicated to others”. Therefore, the right to privacy is not just protection from divulging personal information but also the right to protect how to divulge and to what extent. This also indicates that, though a person may agree to give his or her personal information, a person who receives the information does not have the right to use the information as one wishes. A scholar said that in a democracy, it is our responsibility to “develop privacy standards that are capable of structuring the right kind of information use”.
This week, the right to freedom of the press and the patient’s right to privacy confronted each other. During one of the Press Conference, some of the journalists questioned the Minister of Health why the information about the first Bhutanese Covid-19 case was kept secret including travel history. The Health Minister responded that the right to privacy of the patient is the priority and there were no benefits out of additional information. The Minister also rightly pointed out that since Bhutanese society is very small and revealing information would make the patient’s identity easy to know.  The right to health privacy is among the most important privacy issues because, “certain diseases have long been associated with great stigma (e.g., leprosy, HIV/AIDS); other diseases are correlated in other people’s minds with certain lifestyles and behaviours”. Revealing health information may also pose a threat to the possibilities of getting jobs, reputation and respect within the communities.  For example, many might distance themselves from a patient who is diagnosed with Covid-19 in the present case even after she recovers from the disease due to fear of getting infected.
However, should the media or even any person may reveal details of the patient there is no statutory protection of the right of the patient in Bhutan. Further, Bhutan does not have any privacy torts which “provide remedies for intrusions into areas where one is receiving health care or public disclosures of private medical information”. Therefore, it is important to enact a privacy law that will regulate the “confidentiality of the relationship between patients and their physicians or other health caregivers” in the country. The media and individuals must remember that, as per Article 7(2) of our constitution, among others, a person shall not infringe on the rights and freedoms of others which includes the right to privacy.
Sonam Tshering Lawyer, Thimphu
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own.

Right to privacy law necessary not luxurious

The right to privacy is a fundamental right under Article 7(19) of our Constitution, which states: “A person shall not be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence nor to unlawful attacks on the person’s honour and reputation”.  Article 7(9) gives the right to privacy not only

Getting out a of contractual liability due to Covid-19

This article appeared on 21 March 2020

After the confirmation of the first Covid-19 case in the country, the government had to take numerous steps to prevent further spread of the virus. As a result, the entire tourism sector came to a standstill, entry of labourers from India is stopped, entertainment centres closed, and the transportation sector faces restrictions. The government also informed that, should the situation worsen, some districts or the entire country may get locked down.

Clash of national identity and national emergency

This article appeared in Kuensel on 14 March 2020

After the country got the first case of COVID-19, numerous press briefings are being conducted almost every day. Among many issues, one major criticism is that the media professionals are not able to ask questions in Dzongkha.

Being responsible netizens



With large number of Bhutanese on social media, impact of social media can be enormous. Art. 8(1) of the Constitution imposes a duty on every citizen to preserve and protect the unity in the country and Art. 8(6) mandate that, “ A person shall have the responsibility to provide help,

NA and NC at loggerheads – lost in definition of S.213 and 214


It appeared in Kuensel on 29 February  2020
Last week, Kuensel reported that, “Two Houses at loggerheads over unnatural sex provisions”.  These loggerheads may have been caused by inability to balance the impacts of amending or retaining this provision. Section 213 states, “A defendant shall be guilty of the offence of unnatural sex, if the defendant engages in sodomy or any other sexual conduct that

Saturday, 15 February 2020

When the legislature derails essence-innocent citizens face injustice

This article appeared in Kuensel on weekly legal column on 15 Feb 2020

A Kuensel news reported last week reported “A twist in the tale with a happy ending”. This kind of news is a wakeup call for our parliamentarians. The current provisions on rape is not only confusing but also does not take into the account the actual issue. Particularly, Section 183 of Penal Code of Bhutan was enacted to punish the rapist but instead

NA dumping two Bills passed by NC is a waste of time and resource

This article appeared in Kuensel on weekly legal column on 1 Feb 2020

The fundamental duty of the parliament is legislation. Therefore, parliament is also known as legislative body or legislature. The news of confusion where the National Assembly (NA) decided not to deliberate two bills passed by the National Council (NC) is worrisome and waste of public resources. This issue may not attract much attention because it does not have immediate impact on the public as the current bills pertain only public servants.

Saturday, 25 January 2020

Of separation of power and tussle between the legislature and judiciary

This article appeared in Kuensel on weekly legal column on 25 Jan 2020

During the deliberation on the amendment of Civil and Criminal Procedure Code (CCPC) in the National Council, a member raised concerns about the judiciary amending the laws made by the parliament and the need to include a provision to control such powers.  This was followed by a Kuensel article “Contradicting Supreme Court Orders confuse courts”, which discussed on a standing order and many legal experts raised concerns of such orders.

This standing order was issued on November 26, 2019, instructing all the courts to implement the earlier standing order issued on June 17, 2015, which declared S.199.8A unconstitutional making every criminal offence a bailable.
In Bhutan, though Article 1(13) of the Constitution makes it  clear: “Separation of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary” except as permitted by the Constitution. The separation of power adopted by numerous constitutions centuries ago mainly “as the system of checks and balances among the three arms of the government”.
Article 1(11) our constitution appoints the Supreme Court as the guardian and the final interpreter of the Constitution. This is an enormous authority the Supreme Court enjoys. However, reading this Article with Article 21 (8) and (10) does seem to limit the scope of authority of the Supreme Court.
For example, under Article 21 (8), Supreme Court can interpret the Constitution when there is a question of law or fact referred by His Majesty and under article 21(10), the Supreme Court can issue declaration, writs, orders, directions only based on circumstances of each case.
This indicates that there must be a case in order to exercise authorities under Article 21(10). Similarly, to interpret the provision on fundamental rights, it can be done only when a person aggrieved by action of the state is challenged. Thus, it is unclear, if current practice of Supreme Court issuing merely a standing order to amend or repeal parliamentary acts is within the framework of separation of powers.
Contrarily, Article 10 (1) explicitly states: “there shall be a Parliament of Bhutan in which all legislative powers under this Constitution were vested”. Therefore, legislative authority is an exclusive domain of the parliament. This can be inferred even from Article 1 (1) which states that, “Bhutan is a sovereign and sovereign power belongs to people of Bhutan” and parliamentarian are representatives of the people and not the judiciary.
When the principle of Separation of Power was propounded by a French Philosopher Montesquieu to fight against tyranny of the leaders who hold on absolute powers, he suggested that there is should absolutely no encroachment of each other. But with changing of times and shift in governance system towards people centric democracy, absolute separation of power is impossible and some overlap authorities into each other’s boundaries are inevitable.
Therefore, it is not uncommon for any legal system across the world that courts, in particular appellate courts, does amend lot of parliamentary acts through its decisions when a case has been filed before the court. But amendment of laws through issuance of standing order are often seen very rare in any democracy set up as it is often seen as direct infringement on the parliamentary domain.
Therefore, our judiciary must exercise due care when it requires to enter into domain of legislature to protect public confidence in the judiciary. Any form of power tussle between the judiciary and parliament is unhealthy for a democracy.
Sonam Tshering
Lawyer, Thimphu
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own.

Of separation of power and tussle between the legislature and judiciary

This article appeared in Kuensel on weekly legal column on 25 Jan 2020

During the deliberation on the amendment of Civil and Criminal Procedure Code (CCPC) in the National Council, a member raised concerns about the judiciary amending the laws made by the parliament and the need to include a provision to control such powers.  This was followed by a Kuensel article “Contradicting Supreme Court Orders confuse courts”, which discussed on a standing order and many legal experts raised concerns of such orders.

Saturday, 18 January 2020

Right to mediation exist in every civil case not special as media indicated

This article was published in Kuensel for Saturday Legal Column Series 
This week, both Kuensel and BBS indicated, the right to settle out of court in civil case as some kind of special consideration by Trongsa District Court.  Such news may create confusion among the general public who are ignorant of litigation. However, this remedy known as “negotiated settlement” under the Bhutanese legal system has been a part of our judicial process since decades. In fact, S. DA-3-1 of Thrimzhung Chhenmo provide this right any case including criminal offences except larceny, armed robbery, murder and treason.

Need for a social welfare law to protect common people

This article was published in Kuensel for Saturday Legal Column Series 
Kuensel headline this week stated “Authorities’ inaction worrying resident more than cracks” in Trongsa and  another headline reads “Poor drainage system spoils the winter charm in S’jonkhar”. Similarly,  an alarming headline in 2018 reported “24 babies infected in NICU, 15 survive, 9 die in JDWNRH” and list goes on. There are numerous reports of wall collapses, potholes, unsafe

A paradigm shift from punitive to restorative justice system

This article was published in Kuensel for Saturday Legal Column Series 
This week, the Trongsa Dzongkhag Court deviated from conventional punitive judgment to corrective or reformative judicial process. Such new thoughts from our courts are welcome, though effects of this paradigm shift remain uncertain in terms of reduction in juvenile crimes in the country.

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